Nilofer Qazi21 Feb 2011
The Islamic Republic of Pakistan, what does this mean?
Recently I reread Professor John L Esposito’s, Rethinking Islam and Secularism a wonderful dialogue with Islamic
scholars from around the Muslim world.
Note worthy is the absence of a Pakistani scholar or a single woman!
Nevertheless, this important paper is a reminder of the absence of a meaningful
discussion about what do we mean by ‘an Islamic republic’, or what ‘ethics’ are
we espousing?
Amidst the current
battles between and amongst our public institutions, for example, what
principles are they actively fighting for or what are the security establishment
so desperately protecting us from? What does democracy mean to our
politicians? Many of us – who think- are
struggling with these ideas. Although
there has been some public discussion on what defines Pakistan, it is important
for us especially those involved in various movements too reflect
constructively and intellectually on the ‘principles’ these movements are based
upon.
In Professor John l
Esposito’s, Rethinking Islam and
Secularism, Islamic Scholars dialogue and debate what do the concepts of
the State, Islam, Secularism and Democracy mean to Muslims. This discussion is
very relevant to Pakistan’s current conundrum.
The ideas of what democracy means in Muslim societies is also critical
since we profess to be ‘Islamic and Democratic’. Understanding what does
secularism means or doesn’t, is also relevant given the association of
secularism with pluralism. These scholars place these important social
political and religious ideas within our 20/21st century contexts
which is what I refer to as modern day Ijtehad
of our Ijma.
The differing opinions are not only based on the traditional
positions by Islamic scholars of the past,
BUT also ideas based on the current and varied social
political realities of Muslim societies TODAY. Thus Muslim majority Sudan,
Bosnia in Europe, Indonesia’s multi ethic religious populations all inform and
shape the ideas of their Islamic scholars. The interpretations or Ijtehad they develop reflect the
political struggles they have experienced and accommodate their realities
within an Islamic principled framework(s).
Hence for Pakistanis activists, intellectuals, religious scholars and
all of the above should engage in these global discussions, but also begin our
own internal domestic national discussion. This dialogue can end Pakistan’s
ongoing existential crisis and move towards some conclusions.
Our public spaces, whether on television, print or our
academia have little to offer for those engaged in public transformation
movements. Without clarity of ideas/principles all struggles in all their forms
cannot be sustainable.
The Pakistani judiciary has been branded as an ‘over active’
institution, involved in political and social transformation - but has it
really become involved in transformational activities? What are the fundamental
principles are they defending? What laws are they preserving and ‘fighting’
for, more importantly, what are the foundations of those ‘laws’? What are the principles of social justice
that are enshrined in these laws and norms?
The ideology of
Pakistan continues to be debated, even after 65 years; moreover, it remains
unclear to many of us what are the
sacred principles enshrined in the 1973 Constitution, amended
so many times, by its own founder(s), and then further mutilated by subsequent
governments, it is impossible to fathom the relationship between the Citizen
and State in this Document? To
further confuse, Pakistan has
incorporated ‘Islamic laws’ interpreted
by select men, contradictory in principles and intent with many actual principles of Islam ; for example,
‘let there be no compulsions in religion’ (2:256) or seemingly clear ‘to
you is your path (religion) ;to me mine” (109:6) or the Islamic principles (of pluralism) in Sura (5:48) in which all communities and faiths are considered
equal and non considered purer or higher than any other? The current Pakistani laws which have many
discriminatory ‘laws’ against its own citizens, (Ahmedias e.g.) have little justification in secular or
religious law. In its current form what
legal system are we fighting to preserve, which has little ‘Islamic principles
‘or any norms of social justice?
If this is not
confusing enough, we also maintain pre colonial land revenue systems and
colonial civil law after 65 years of independence! These laws were developed to control
populations not too provide justice and equity.
A glaring example of this hangover is the land revenue management system which is maintained in an archaic system of
documents and measurements exclusively managed
by under-illiterate ‘revenue officers’ who are (not) trained. The measuring
‘instruments’ include strings, steel rods, and manual feet size
which would not pass any
standardized testing systems of the 20th century. The intent (niyat) of maintaining this system
is too control the information on land. Having the power of verifying
documentation is enormous in an aggragarian economy and semi literate
society. With little accountability or
transparency the system benefits those who wield the power of information and
control.
In light of this mess, how can the most
learned amongst us let alone the majority
of the semi-literate Mujtahids we have, even begin to determine what to
defend and what not to defend in terms of laws norms and principles for
Pakistan? Perhaps it is time for the
learned amongst us to Review and Revisit our social contract with the State of
Pakistan? Don’t you think?
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